The triumph of Reform
And a lesson from Labour
Most commentary on British politics since about this time last year has been a waste of time. Reform has gone from around 30% to 28%. They still maintain the same massive lead that they had over the Tory/Labour which allowed them to win big during the 2025 local elections. There was no ‘Badenoch bounce’. The only real change has been the doubling of Polanski’s party in the opinion polls from around 10% to 20%, although at time of writing it would seem that their advance in the polls has been moderately overstated.
So a challenger party to the Left of Labour has seen some success. But to Farage’s right – the online anglo-celt rebellion - has done nothing to dent Farage’s momentum. J’accuse was correct to say in March 2025 that Lowe was wasting people’s time by rebelling - whilst many thralls were rattling their chains against Farage. At time of writing it is not yet clear precisely what has happened in Greater Yarmouth but in any event the overwhelming dominance of Reform nationally means that their impotent fury is just that.
What lessons can we draw from the success of Farage and the failure of Starmer in the last two years? Here is my suggestion: Farage has successfully avoided falling into the trap of attempting to chase voters who have come to irrationally despise him.
McSweeney and various pollsters are correct to say that the public have attitudes to the right of the Labour Party on immigration and welfare reform. The problem with this analysis, however, is that for the 30-40% of the electorate who care about immigration more than any other issue will never, ever, ever, ever believe the Labour Party when they say that they care about immigration. It doesn’t matter how many videos you make showing illegal immigrants being flown away, the people you are trying to win over believe that the Labour Party are complicit in the great replacement and helped cover up Pakistani rape gangs.
A proportion of anti-immigration voters believe that the Labour Party is the anti-white party. To try and win these people over with promises of tough control on immigration is to misunderstand how people perceive political parties. They feel tribal affiliations and tribal dislikes regardless of the policies that are put forward. This categorical misunderstanding may have something to do with the fact that McSweeney comes from a Fine Gael family in Ireland, a country where the two main parties no longer have any real ideological differences and instead compete on ‘Competence’. Britain, thankfully, is still a real country, with a real Parliament and real politics. Not a patch of grass where various chancers try and scam other countries out of their corporation tax.
McSweeney made the same mistake that Nick Timothy and others made when they tried to recast the Conservative Party as a post-liberal institution under Theresa May. People thought the Tories were evil austerity addicts even when they promised to hose money on pointless nonsense. Their voting base wanted evil neoliberalism because evil neoliberalism means they get to keep more of their money. Theresa May called it the ‘nasty party’. When she got her chance to make it something else, rebranding it as the party of banning stop and search and modern slavery she almost handed the country to Messr Corbyn on a silver platter. Why? Because if people wanted a bigger state, and less punishment for BAME criminals, they vote for Labour.
These digressions bring us back around to Farage. Yesterday this publication wrote a closely argued case in favour of Reform’s pledge to build deportation centres in Green areas. One could object that punishing some of your own voters is wrong. As an example, Farage lives inside the M25 and so he is eligible to vote in the Mayoral election. This does not mean he should be punished if the Greens win the 2028 Mayoral election.
Nonetheless I can see how vindictive building is better than nothing. My first concern was that the policy might signal that Reform are trying to win back the ‘online right’. That Reform staffers are getting upset that they are being accused by online accounts of being ‘subversive’, complicit in White genocide or in the pay of international Zionism, and think a bit of populism is the way back into their hearts.
I must come forward with some advice about the next three years, if anybody reading this is within such a position, and feels such a way.
Just as many pissed off business owners are convinced Starmer is a Muslim who goes for rent boys, many cartoon animal AVIs have convinced themselves that Nigel Farage is in hoc to an anti-White genocidal Zionist international cabal.
From that starting point there is nothing, no press release, no policy announcement that you can make which will convince them that Farage is now ‘based’ again. They will always believe that he is part of the controlled opposition.
When they scroll and see Farage, everything that he says is filtered through a conspiratorial worldview in which Farage is the reason that ‘nationalist’ politics in its many forms (the BNP, UKIP under Gerard Batten) has failed to have an electoral breakthrough since he became active in politics in the 1990s. They will continue to repost the same footage of him telling Steven Edginton that Mass deportations are impossible even if Nigel pledges to deport Rishi Sunak to the Ganges. Outflanking whichever flavour of Retard they are subscribed to rhetorically simply will not influence their opinion.
To hammer home the impossibility of winning these people around, understand how central the threat of Zionism is to their worldview, and how impossible it is for Reform to now pivot into a position on Israel which would please these people. Nigel Farage is never going to denounce Netanyahu’s plan to build a ‘Greater Israel’.
That is not just because Farage is himself sympathetic to the plight of the chosen people. It is also because he realises that his job is not to win over digital animals and altar boys, but to convince fifty-five year olds who have grown up their entire lives watching Gogglebox and learning at school that a whiff of racial prejudice is automatic social suicide, that they can bring themselves to vote Reform and give an untested political party a go at running the country.
That is an extremely difficult balancing act which Farage has been attempting to do for the last twenty years, something he (with some help from the Vote Leave team) was successfully able to pull off with the Brexit referendum. I trust his judgement on how to execute this task completely.
But for the sake of those around him; know that you will have to endure a lot of nonsense in the next three years, possibly from people whose content you once enjoyed (Gamergate, anyone?) Make your peace with that. You will never please the Wolf, nor the squirrel, the Horse.



Farage won't last under scrutiny. Some of his voters will leave for Restore, even if they never become a potent political force, and some will leave for Greens. The most disaffected politically are already upset with Farage. He's getting votes from those who are just now waking up to how dysfunctional politics is in the West. Eventually the new Reform voters will follow the most politically active and disaffected further to the political extremes, left and right.
Well said. Many on the British Right are falling into the same trap that the American Right have done since Trump's re-election; seeing it as a total Chud victory and an excuse to push more-and-more.
The reality is that Trump, and Farage when the time comes, will have a Chuddish mandate but it's built on a coalition of reluctance. This lack of understanding, as BAP has pointed out, means that as it stands the post-Trump American Right is basically dead. Farage can easily end up in the same position should certain elements overwhelm his otherwise savvy sense for politics.