Northern Ireland and British Nationalists
Rhodes Napier
Amidst the acceleration of global events, the release of Sam Melia is unlikely to garner much attention. Originally jailed in March 2024 for two years for putting up posters, his release conditions are proving to be as obscene as his original sentence. Deprived of seeing his second daughter's birth whilst incarcerated, he is not being allowed to return home but rather to 'secure accommodation' for the remaining 15 months of his sentence and is banned from political and social media activity until 2026.
His case, which predated the summer protests, reminds us of the many hundreds of political prisoners who today are behind bars for similar speech offences. The suiciding of Peter Lynch, a sexagenarian grandfather serving a three year prison sentence for shouting 'abuse' at police, is another stark reminder of the genuine vileness of the regime which presides over us. The authorities knew that Peter, an older man with no prior criminal history and pre-existing health conditions, would not cope in a a violent and disorderly prison system.
Indeed, the case of Peter typifies the wider treatment of English working class protesters, perhaps more so than Mr. Melia who is a professional activist. Those imprisoned are often respectable, but economically marginal provincial Englishmen, without much knowledge of the legal system, who are pressured into accepting ludicrously aggressive sentences for minor disturbances at anti-immigration protests. And once abandoned inside the system, they are isolated in the face of clannish ethnic gangs which reportedly group jump their victims. One can pray that those currently interned will make it out safely. There is no doubt that everyone from the Prime Minister to the judges to the regime lackey 'right-wing' tabloid press, involved in the grotesque, baying, self-righteous persecution is morally complicit in all future harm that befalls the imprisoned.
This sad spectacle is angering but unsurprising. The police in England primarily function as a means to quell political dissent amongst native Britons. They buy civil peace through asymmetrically penalising political expression amongst the group who (largely uniquely) stand to lose the most from Britain's demographic catastrophe. Dissidence amongst white British people is objectively revolutionary (regardless of how we morally evaluate it) because it cannot be accommodated on its own terms but only engaged with as a vicarious by-product of various purported social ills. To accommodate the concerns of native Britons and to recognise the legitimacy of native ethnic interests would require the Ukay state to jettison the foundational principles of its ideology. Conversely, 'dissent' amongst various diasporas can always be accommodated through state patronage of 'community activists' and vacillatory appeasement of whatever perceived injustices are trending. Modern Britain lives up to every hackneyed totalitarian stereotype; a state which not only criminalise forms of political speech, but which actually regards political ''crimes'' as being worse than civil ones, and uses criminals of the latter to terrorise ''criminals'' of the former variety.