How to stop the stabbings

Harry Yew and Rhodes Napier

The recent mass stabbings on a rail carriage adjacent to Huntingdon, in spite of the still limited information available, bear all the hallmarks of a modern British atrocity. While currently the perpetrator has been narrowed down to a 32 year old individual who boarded on Peterborough, with his motives remaining unknown, it is unlikely that he is an Islamic extremist. He is, as the Home Secretary pronounced, British born and of British nationality, and is of Afro-Caribbean extraction.

It would be a mistake to focus on any religion or ideology espoused by the perpetrator as the primary motive, if this is in fact his professed rationale. His criminal history (he was apparently known to the police due to four immediate previous incidents) as well as the generically mentally ill ramblings about not letting ‘the Devil win’, all suggest a conventional psychotic. The location of the attack, a southbound evening train from Doncaster, does not appear to be strategically well chosen if the perpetrator’s aim was to maximise casualties. The seemingly random violence of the act also has more in common with the Nottingham atrocities than with more organised cellular terrorism we saw in the London Bridge stabbings.

Given the profile of the stabber and the impetuosity of the violence he committed, we should regard any Muslim motive as an aesthetic draping to a racialised crime. Perhaps we will find, as we did with Rudukabana, an Al-Qaeda manifesto or a stated affinity for the Taliban. But this won’t help us explain why he did this crime or how it can be more effectively taxonomized alongside actually analogous events.

The Huntingdon massacre is similar to a wide variety of attacks committed frequently, but not always, by the African diaspora. These often take the form of a first or second generation immigrant attacking White victims seemingly at random in public spaces, with no discernible ideological motive. As we have mentioned, the Nottingham massacre, committed by the Portuguese/Guinea Bissauan national Valdo Calocane, who, within the course of two hours in the early morning, stabbed two students, attempted to break into a hostel, and killed a driver hijacking his van (using this in turn to launch vehicular attacks at pedestrians on the high street as well as at a bus stop) is more similar in character. The erstwhile Pentacostalist Calocane had a history of psychosis, violence and refusal of medical treatment. He had originally arrived in the country as an EU national. All of his victims were White, and he seemed to be primarily targeting young White people (he had been a mature student in previous years, and his prior assaults had been against flatmates).

We can also obviously turn to the Southport massacre, in which the son of Rwandan refugees, who exhibited an obsession with violence from the outset of his secondary education, mutilated and murdered three White toddlers at a Taylor Swift themed ballet dance. Axel Rudukabana had been flagged several times for violent ideation, and had entered once successfully with a concealed knife (in the event attacking students and staff with a hockey stick engraved with their names) his former school, Range Hill, and once unsuccessfully, being prevented from entry by his father (who failed to report the incident - its at this point that its suspected he began looking for new points of attack). While many e-rightists highlighted his possession of ricin and Al-Qaeda manifesto, more interesting and overlooked is his obsession with racial conflict. He purportedly called for a ‘White genocide’ when speaking to his fellow students, and had downloaded extensive material about the Hatian genocide and the Mau Mau insurgency. Islam was simply a poetic way of expressing grievances with different roots, less palatable to right-wing talking points.

These are the most recent and infamous cases of anti-white massacres in Britain and the phenomenon is not limited to this island. We can turn to the United States, in which the history of interracial violence has been extensively documented by the country’s dissident right. Iryna Zarutska’s murder by Carlos Brown, a schizophrenic violent career criminal who had not been imprisoned due to the racial and political sympathies of co-ethnic judges, is the most recent globally famous case. As J’accuse readers are most likely aware, he exclaimed ‘I got that White girl’ multiple times after he had stabbed his victim 17 times in the neck. Beyond the murders of Austine Metcalf and Logan Federico, we can look to a continuous tradition of mass, randomised, racial violence, which treads the line between political terrorism, criminal opportunism and craven psychotic violence. The details of the murder and kidnapping of Channon Christian and Christian Newsom will always be etched on the minds of all those who have read them, but fewer are aware of the conscious efforts of the local senior police to assertively deny any racial component to the crimes. Both the DC sniper shootings in the early 2000s, as well as the more protracted and bloody Zebra killings of the 1970s are also interesting case studies, as they synthesised racial motives and superficial identification with the ‘coloured’ struggles of political Islam.

The former, which most American readers will be familiar with, involved the murder of seven victims and the wounding of seven others over the course of three weeks. The perpetrators were the African-American John Allen Muhammad and the Afro-Caribbean Lee Boyd Malvo, whose further plans included the shooting of a pregnant woman in the stomach and proposed terror attacks against the funerals of police officers. The Zebra killings occurred throughout the early 1970s and may have involved the murder of seventy three victims or more in the state of California, and potentially killed more than all other serial killers during this period combined. I won’t recount the full details of the events, as you can read them yourselves, but the crimes involve the beheading, dismemberment and disembowelment of White victims-many have never been identified because of the levels of disfigurement.

If one looks, you will find dozens of cases, all of which make for rage and despair inducing reads, occurring since the docking of HMS Windrush. Is it an unrecognised string of attacks against Whites, depraved and cowardly in execution and venally hateful in its motives. Many courageous individuals, as documented previously, have stood out in self-defence. But we must recognise it for what it is, if their courage is not to be taken for granted. Unless we are willing to name it in the public sphere we will never be able to meaningfully mobilise public opposition to it. Hiding behind rhetorical tropes about ‘integration’ isn’t going to prevent future Rudukabana’s from slaughtering more innocents.

The Pyschiatric Basis of black Terrorism

We simply cannot understand any of these seemingly ‘random’ attacks without understanding the pyschological profile of the population we have imported. The epidemiological record concerning schizophrenia and psychosis among Britain’s black populations is, by now, extensive and remarkably consistent. Since the first systematic studies of the 1960s, every major investigation has found that individuals of black heritage experience markedly higher rates of schizophrenia than their white counterparts. In the South London and Camberwell catchment studies, conducted across several decades, incidence among people of Afro-Caribbean background was between four and seven times that of the local White population. Later meta-analyses, pooling data from multiple regions of England between 1950 and 2013, produced relative-risk estimates of around fivefold for black Caribbean groups and between twofold and fourfold for those of black African heritage.

One particularly striking finding, replicated in several studies, is that the elevation in risk does not diminish among later generations but in fact intensifies. Second-generation black British citizens, those born here to Caribbean parents, show higher schizophrenia incidence than their first-generation predecessors. It has been found, for instance, reported that brothers and sisters of second-generation African-Caribbean individuals were roughly several times more likely to receive a diagnosis than siblings of white British, whereas siblings of first-generation migrants did not show such excess, even after controlling for age, sex, and place of residence.

What makes these findings all the more curious is that the same pattern is not observed in the countries from which these populations originate. Studies conducted in Jamaica and other Caribbean islands, as well as in sub-Saharan Africa, do not reveal equivalent levels of psychotic disorder. The lifetime prevalence of pyschiatric across African studies generally lies between one and four per cent.

To understand this, we must understand the nature of schizophrenia as a phenomenon that, while highly heritable, is only triggered in response to environments in which individuals are struggling to compete and integrate successfully into. Schizophrenia presents one of the clearest paradoxes in psychiatry, in that it is highly heritable, at 70-80%, yet profoundly maladaptive. At the same time, genome-wide analyses show that this heritability is spread thinly across thousands of common variants, each of trivial effect. Rather than a discrete disease gene, schizophrenia looks like an emergent configuration of many ordinary traits, cognitive, emotional, and motivational, that, under certain conditions, crystallise into a pathological state.

Seen through a life-history lens, schizophrenia represents the far end of a fast-life strategic continuum, a suite of traits tuned to impulsive decision-making and immediate reward. The outcome depends on context. In stable, supportive environments those same traits may express creativity or unconventional problem-solving, but in harsher ecologies they may produce the characteristic disorganisation of schizophrenia.

Across the life course, the development of schizophrenia often follows a recognisable sequence of maladjustment interacting with increasing environmental demands. From childhood, affected individuals tend to show subtle deficits in cognition and social integration, typically scoring 8–10 IQ points below the population mean, struggling with peer relationships, and exhibiting mild suspiciousness or social withdrawal.

During adolescence, when neural circuits for reward and social evaluation mature, dopamine sensitivity rises in systems governing salience and motivation. For most people this sharpens learning and competitive drive, but in vulnerable individuals it produces heightened reactivity to threat and status cues. Everyday rivalry or embarrassment begins to feel charged with meaning. As environmental expectations escalate, education, independence, and mating competition in the late teens and early twenties, the strain of this mismatch grows. By early adulthood, when social and sexual competition peak, the salience system may become unstable, and ordinary striving for attention or recognition collapses into over-interpretation and paranoia, marking the transition from maladjustment to illness.

It is at this stage, particularly among young men of lower socio-economic status, that the combination of genetic liability and social defeat sometimes erupts into violence. Meta-analyses show schizophrenia increases serious violent offending about 3-5 fold, though only a small minority are ever violent. These acts usually arise under conditions of humiliation, threat, or blocked ambition, precisely the settings in which a “nothing-to-lose” psychology emerges. When normal routes to status or mating success are closed, coercive or chaotic behaviour becomes a desperate assertion of agency. Schizophrenia, then, can be read as the end-stage of a long interaction between a mismatch between a broad spectrum of polygenically determined abilities ranging from low IQ to poor social adroitness, and the high demands of a slow life history ecology, that, under mounting competitive pressure, tips into psychosis.

The above broadly explains the life trajectories of a worryingly high number of black people in the UK. While this remains a minority, Britain’s black population’s high rates of psychosis and schizophrenia do correspond with its disproportionately higher rates of violent crime compared to the native British population, and can be seen as an inevitable and recurring end result of importing a population en mass which has been demonstrated over many generations to be fundamentally mismatched with our society. Rushton’s account of life history differences need not be accounted for here, but that is also, of course, consistent with what we see. Low levels of psychosis in their home countries do not suggest that psychosis or schizotypal tendencies themselves are essential racial traits, but that they possess a high level of vulnerability to these traits when transposed into an ecology in which they suffer from this aforementioned mismatch to a worrying degree, which is neither to their benefit nor the societies that host them.

It must be emphasised that there is a direct tradeoff between the number of black migrants in Britain and a disproportionately high amount of violence committed against the British people.

What Is To Be Done?

The solution being mooted here is not mass institutionalisation or even (long term) mass incarceration. While some actors on the ‘right’, such as Lawrence Newport, hope to avoid ‘uncomfortable’ policy prescriptions simply by interning a hyper anti-social minority, they will inevitably fail. Britain’s criminal underclass, whether “mentally ill” or just wantonly violent, are increasingly comprised of non-white and more often than not, specifically black individuals. A “colour blind” crackdown on crime is simply going to result in much a larger prison population which will have to hold an ever increasing number of dangerous psychotics from Britain’s African and Middle Eastern diasporas. You will, irrespective of your professed centrism, be accused of racism. And while you might shrug this off, the political demography of this country is changing as its ethnic demography changes. The only party capable of implementing such an agenda will be an increasingly electorally besieged populist White party, which will be locked out of power by the 2050s on current trends. As we witness in America, black and brown voters will vote for politicians who are in favour of police abolitionism. Britain’s current future remains one in which train stabbing become a habitual occurrence. Huntington is a structural consequence of replacement migration, not simply a failure of an incompetent police force.

Even if we were to accept mass physical internment as a solution to the Bantufada, its predicated on a more fundamental misdiagnosis of our problems. Much discourse around “mental health” rests on a narrative which is fundamentally sympathetic to the perpetrators of crime. These people are not “sick” or “unwell”. There is no “good” Rudukabana who was overcome by his demons. This is gnostic nonsense. We are dealing with a class of people who are fundamentally ill constituted and incapable of living in our countries. Psychiatric disorders do not abrogate the criminal’s moral responsibility but aggravate it, in so far as they mean that they are incapable of being ‘reformed’ in any meaningful sense. Mental health and illness as such are not real. People have different ways of processing external stimuli which are in part reflective of their ancestral ecology, which means they basically maladapted to living in Britain.

The solution cannot be offered by reheated Cameronist lectures about the need for integration. There is no way that anyone in the vaguely dogwhistly political nexus between Jenrick and Farage can process these attacks, because in order to do so, one needs to recognise that many black people have a latent proclivity towards violence against Whites. This animus is not a consequence of a failure to assimilate or ideological radicalisation, but is genetic in origin and exasperated by diasporic existence in and of itself.

Many will baulk at more the radical proposals offered by online ginger groups like ‘Remigration Now’. While the systematic deportation of African descended diasporas from Britain would be electorally unpalatable, there is an intermediary solution which could provide both a framework for discussion as well as a political solution. This article proposes a policy of selective deportation bilaterally to countries of origin, or alternatively deportation to willing third party hosts. This not ‘extreme’. The possibility of hosting recidivist and particularly violent criminals in states such as El Salvador has already been talked about by both Trump and Farage. Inevitably, if such a policy were introduced it would disproportionately impact ethnic minorities. This is simply a call to formalise such a process, and to expand the criteria under which people would be eligible for this latter day exile.

Britain should introduce anti-social behavioural orders, but specifically for members of legally codified foreign diasporas. This would exist within a wider de facto tiring of citizenship, which, while not extending to systematic kafalisation, would mean that those of post-1945 heritage would be eligible for rapid denaturalisation in the event of some kind of offence. While abolition of ILTR and the deportation of criminal foreign nationals/born individuals would have prevented the Nottingham massacre, there needs to be a system for identifying and expelling those of ‘British nationality and birth’, whose residence in this country a liability.

The monitoring and enforcement mechanism for this policy will be totally different from the currently existing woke surveillance state, comprised of institutions such as Prevent. Instead, citizens will be able to make referrals to the Bureau for National Security, while educational and health institutions will have a statutory duty to report individuals exhibiting dangerous behaviour. This will occur in parallel to the denaturalisation of foreign descended individuals who are also welfare dependents, political subversives or petty criminals. In effect this will mean the emptying of prisons, homeless shelters and psychiatric institutions of all people primarily descended from post-1945 New Commonwealth immigrants.

If we accept that there is a problem with ‘sectarianism’ within the Muslim diaspora, and that this can be rectified partially through deportations then we can also reasonably say that the black community has an equivalent problem with violent psychosis (and criminality in general). If having strident views on the Israeli-Palestinian is grounds for expulsion then so must being a psychiatric ticking time bomb.

The Hungtingdon attacks have already been eclipsed within the news cycle, and for many normal people, its real cause has been occluded by misinformation, fading into a vague sense of alarm at increasing societal violence. But for many voters, already inclined towards our politics, they will see the face of the perpetrator (when finally released) and will draw their own conclusions, much as they did when they saw the ghoulish countenances of Rudukabana and Calocane. The task now is to lay the foundations for the solutions emergent constituencies will embrace in the near future.